Thursday, March 25, 2010

Intifada In Paradise

http://www.tehelka.com/story_main44.asp?filename=Ne060310intifada_in.asp


Armed with just stones, the protesters in the Kashmir Valley have got the government in a tizzy, reports PARVAIZ BUKHARI


IN A stable political environment, these young boys would perhaps have started a music band or a fan club of some kind to expend their youthful energy. However, in the congested old town area of Srinagar — witness to intense protests in recent weeks — throwing stones at government forces is what occupies the waking hours of groups of young boys. A transition is taking place in the resistance to security forces in Kashmir — from militancy to stone-throwing. Locally, it is referred to as Intifada, the Palestinian mass movement that first began in 1988 and still employs stone-throwing as a method of popular resistance. It is a movement that is giving India’s security establishment sleepless nights.

These days, the slightest provocation — say an alleged human rights violation by the security forces somewhere in the Valley, triggers a stone-throwing protest in urban areas, and increasingly in provincial towns and villages across Kashmir.

For these young people, angered by the status-quo in the Valley which they find unbearable, even their ‘nights out’ are not fun. Rather, it is a precaution against getting picked up by the police, who might have identified them during the protests.

TEHELKA caught up with one such band of youngsters on a chilly evening near the Jamia Masjid, Srinagar. A few of them were students; others work in small private businesses. From the surrounding darkness, they emerged silently in ones and twos to make sure that it was not a police trap. With the typical belligerence of youth, one of them shot off: “We know what journalists are all about. We still came thinking that at least one person should know how we think and feel.” Extremely cynical and skeptical of political leaders — separatist and mainstream — they appear to have divorced hope of any change or a normal life.

This is a generation that grew up amid turmoil in the wake of the armed insurgency, and the crushing military response to it. “Kashmir mein izzat se zinda rehna hai to India se ladtey rehna hai (To live with honor in Kashmir, you have to keep fighting India all the time),” said one of them. In his twenties now, he alleges that as a kid he saw an Indian soldier slit his brother’s throat and kill him. Another brother, he says, was killed when an unknown attacker hit his head with a shovel.

Each of them narrates a different story of brutality they have witnessed from close. Angrily, they talk about experiences, when police and paramilitary forces enter and ransack their homes and “misbehave” with men and women alike. They believe that the only way to keep the security forces away from their area is to turn “themselves into weapons”. “If they catch one of us, ten others will emerge. How many can they catch?” asks one of the youngsters, undeterred.

Security officials feel these protests have become more difficult to deal with than the armed militancy. “It’s part of a combined effort to keep the pot boiling,” says Kuldeep Khoda, the state police chief. As if in response, one of the youths said that the government wants to “brand us terrorists” to justify arrests and killings, and discourage others. “On most occasions, a few of us would throw the first stones. The hundreds who would then follow, did so on their own,” he says.

THE GOVERNMENT WANTS TO BRAND THE STONE-THROWERS AS TERRORISTS TO DISCOURAGE OTHERS

In an effort to quell the dissent last year, a Senior Superintendent of Police, Srinagar, invoked Islam to discourage stone throwers. A hadith (instance from the Prophet’s life) quoted by him, triggered an intense media debate on the issue. However, it didn’t achieve any results. “Our clerics and some leaders tell us that stone-pelting is not good. But they don’t tell us how else we can change our situation,” says one of the stone throwers, who appeared from an educated and economically well-off family.

LAST MONDAY, the death of 11-dayold Irfan, amid protests near Baramulla, spread anger, condemnation and gloom across Kashmir. The vehicle in which the family was taking the baby to hospital was stopped and surrounded by “protestors in two vehicles”, police said. “While they were being dragged out, the infant fell from the mother’s lap and was injured,” said AQ Manhas, Deputy Inspector General (DIG) of Police, Baramulla. The baby died before the family could reach the hospital. Police have registered a case of murder but it is unclear who were there in the two vehicles. For the first time, ‘unusually’ according to the police, the protestors used cars.

Meanwhile, the police enquiry on the January 31 tear gas shelling that had killed Wamiq Farooq, a 13-year-old in Srinagar, has raised the temperature even further. The authorities had initially suspended the Assistant Sub-Inspector (ASI) responsible for the firing. But now it has emerged that the dead boy is also going to be chargesheeted. “It is not that we hold the police officer prima facie guilty. The boy had attempted to attack and murder other policeman earlier — in response to which more tear gas shells were fired. We have submitted a report on this to the court of law,” said Hemant Lohia, DIG, Kashmir.

In response, the government plans to decongest Srinagar’s old city. Sources say, a “package is seriously being worked out”, to resettle multiple families living under a single roof to new areas and provide modern housing. If the plan materialses, it could take away some of the immediate motivations of the stone-throwers in Srinagar. But it will take time. For the moment, the concerns remain. “I also want to do normal things. Why should I have to worry about my folks and they about me all the time,” says one of the stonethrowers, reflecting the complexity of their myriad insecurities.

Wednesday, March 10, 2010

Letter to Chief Minister Omar Abdullah Re.: Gender Justice in Kashmir

INTERNATIONAL PEOPLE’S TRIBUNAL ON HUMAN RIGHTS AND JUSTICE IN INDIAN-ADMINISTERED KASHMIR (IPTK)

To: Mr. Omar Abdullah
Chief Minister
Jammu and Kashmir

From:

  • Dr. Angana Chatterji, Convener IPTK and Professor, Anthropology, California Institute of Integral Studies
  • Advocate Parvez Imroz, Convener IPTK and Founder, Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society
  • Gautam Navlakha, Convener IPTK and Editorial Consultant, Economic and Political Weekly
  • Zahir-Ud-Din, Convener IPTK and Vice-President, Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society
  • Advocate Mihir Desai, Legal Counsel IPTK and Lawyer, Mumbai High Court and Supreme Court of India
  • Khurram Parvez, Liaison IPTK and Programme Coordinator, Jammu and Kashmir Coalition of Civil Society


Dear Mr. Omar Abdullah:

On the occasion of International Women’s Day, we write you on behalf of the International People’s Tribunal on Human Rights and Justice in Indian-administered Kashmir.

We had written you on January 04, 2010, informing you of our decision to pursue an independent and transparent people’s inquiry into the Shopian event of May 2009, addressing the contested social facts, legal and political circumstances of the case, and the investigations of the state that followed. As we had noted, we determined to undertake this inquiry at the request of the Majils-e-Mashawarat of Shopian, on the contention that state institutions, and the investigations authorized by them, have been unable to deliver an accurate understanding of the matter or define a mechanism for justice.

We write you today, as we are yet to receive a response from your office to our request for access to certain documents, sites, and personnel in conjunction with the above inquiry.

We had requested the following:

  1. Physical access to all relevant Central Reserve Police Force and army camps, and police stations in Shopian district.
  2. Access to documents assembled and prepared by the Government of Jammu and Kashmir that form the evidentiary basis of the state’s conclusions on the Shopian event, including forensic reports and the testimonials rendered by security forces and state officials.
  3. Access to police and security forces personnel, and medical personnel that testified to the commission of inquiry headed by Justice (Retired) Muzaffar Jan between May-July 2009.
  4. Access to officers of the Special Investigating Team of police that collaborated with the Jan Commission following its interim report, per your order.
  5. Access to local officers who assisted the Central Bureau of Investigation in its inquiry between September-December 2009.
  6. Guarantee that any witnesses that elect to testify to the IPTK process be permitted to do so without duress, or adverse consequences being threatened or befalling them, from personnel or institutions of the state.

We note the urgency of undertaking ethical and transparent investigations into the Shopian issue, and undertaking requisite reparations and rehabilitation. The events in Shopian must be assessed within a larger context where incalculable gendered and sexualized violences have been perpetrated by the military and paramilitary in Kashmir during the course of the last two decades.

We note that the use of gendered and sexualized violences, including the use of rape, as acts of power, as techniques in torture, and as weapons of war have a complex history in Indian-administered Kashmir in the last two decades. The makeup of this violence has been prolonged and systemic, layered with the formerly violent resistances on the part of groups engaged in militancy, and instances of outside intervention. The state does not accept responsibility that sustained militarization has induced cycles of violence for which the state is as well responsible. The state does not accept responsibility that the states of exception/exemption regularized through the enactment of security related legislation remains in contravention of international humanitarian laws and norms. The ?hyper-masculinization’ of the armed forces, and the celebration of militarization and its concomitant violence, has created multiple contexts wherein its members have perpetrated gendered and sexualized violences on the civilian population of Kashmir.

Women and children, and others, have been victimized by horrific forms of brutality, including individual rape, and gang and collective rape. Other categories of the victimized include women labelled ?half-widows,’ whose male partners are missing. India’s security forces occupy 10,54,721 kanals of land in Jammu and Kashmir, on which, in Kashmir, 671 security camps are located. The structure of the camps maintained by security forces, and their placement, which necessitate forced encounters between local women and the armed forces on a routine basis, have facilitated the perpetration of gendered violence. In a Red Zone, as in Shopian, with the profuse presence of soldiers, women are made extremely vulnerable. Women and children, and others, have been subjected to physical and psychological torture and trauma. Security personnel have searched, detained, leered at, propositioned, extorted, and initiated unsolicited physical contact with civilians. They have psychologically tortured, and sexually assaulted, girls/minors and women. Women who do not utilize the hijab or burkha have been compelled to use the same to shield themselves from the advance of soldiers. Male youth and men refusing to participate in the sexual servitude of women have been sodomized. Victimization and fear have led to social and physical displacements, as in certain villages where parents have arranged marriages for girl children who are forced to relocate to the village of their male partners to escape being targeted.

We write you today noting that you have promised attentiveness to, and accountability for, human rights issues in Kashmir. We write you mindful that conditions for peace and prosperity in Kashmir are linked to the possibility and necessity of justice that addresses crimes perpetrated on the basis of gender during, and as a result of, militarization.

Yours sincerely,

Angana Chatterji, Parvez Imroz, Gautam Navlakha, Zahir-Ud-Din, Mihir Desai, Khurram Parvez


Contact:
Khurram Parvez
Email: kparvez@kashmirprocess.org
Phone: +91.194.2482820
Mobile: +91.9419013553